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This client is from Indonesia. He is a new player of quarry-construction contractor of andesite aggregates for construction project. He has contracted large numbers of road construction projects around Kalimantan Province.

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best irons: top steam and steam generator irons | trusted reviews

Theres nothing worse than a crumpled shirt or sheet: it makes you look scruffy and unkempt. Yet, ironing can be a real bore unless you invest in one of our best irons. With the right choice, you can make ironing faster, easier and get perfectly smooth results on even the most creased of materials.

Weve reviewed many irons, and we can happily recommend five of them. Two stand out. TheBosch Ultimate Steam Generator is the best iron weve tested. Its a steam generator model, pumping out a constant stream of high-pressure steam. For lighter loads, theBosch TDA7060GB is the best value, traditional model.

If you can afford the outlay, this iron wont disappoint. As well as looking nice, the design has been well thought out for both right- and left-handed users, and controls are well placed, with lots of options for both steam and temperature.

It wasnt the quickest to heat up, but it didnt exactly keep us waiting either. And once at temperature, the amount of steam its capable of producing ensure the Bosch outperforms every other steam generator in this roundup.

The Bosch TDA7060GB is a powerful steam iron, with some clever features that set it apart from the competition. If you dont have the space, or the need, for a steam generator iron, this is the iron to consider. Build quality feels very good and the design is superb, with the usual controls just where youd want them.

Both of these features, plus 50g/min of constant steam and a powerful 200g/min steam shot, make the Bosch a very impressive performer. It will iron both sides of many garments at the same time, powering through a basket of ironing in no time.

It isnt the most beautiful of irons, and its price tag still leans towards the pricey but in terms of pure ironing capability, the Bosch is a powerful workhorse and undisputedly the best steam iron weve tested.

There are a decent number of features, too, including an anti-calc function for flushing out limescale deposits and an auto-off function that will turn the iron off if its been standing vertically for eight minutes (or 30 seconds horizontal). It will beep before it does, to provide a warning, in the event that youve simply become distracted.

Ironing performance is mediocre. It doesnt offer as powerful a steam performance as some irons, so youll have to work a little harder than you would with a more powerful model. This AEG will get the job done though, and the groove above the soleplate makes easy work of ironing around buttons and under collars.

The brightly coloured Breville PressXpress VIN339 is an elegant-looking steam iron that performs very well for its price. It has a pointy precision tip, a wide soleplate and powerful steam, which together make quick work of your ironing pile.

Controls are well positioned at your thumb: one for steam shot and one for spray. Plus, theres a slider with which you can choose the steam level required. The grip is comfy but large, so while the curve of it feels good it isnt great if you have tiny hands. And at 1.6kg plus with the 400ml water tank, its a little on the heavy side too.

The Breville PressXpress heats up quickly though, and its ceramic soleplate glides smoothly over a range of fabrics. Note that the soleplate is a touch on the thick side, so manoeuvring it around buttons isnt as easy as it is with some other models.

The Polti Vaporella Forever 670 Eco is an affordable steam generator iron with a rather modest set of features. I isnt the most stylish of the models here, and has a few design niggles that dont show the same attention to detail as some of its competitors.

However, in use it does an impressive job. The 4.5-bar pressure and 110g per minute continuous steam might not sound like much on paper nor does its 700ml water tank but its the way Polti puts it all to use that just works.

Steam feels more powerful than the numbers suggest so powerful, in fact, that it can competently iron both sides of a shirt at the same time, and speeds through everyday ironing even on its eco setting.

The steam never run out of puff either, providing a steady stream even after a few minutes. You can get better for spending more, but at this price the Polti Vaporella Forever 670 Eco offers great value for money and surprisingly effective performance.

The styling is modern and the design is practical all round. Despite its smaller size, youll still get a large 1.5-litre water tank, and on the side, youll find a calc collector for easy cleaning. Note that the water tank isnt removable, so youll need a jug to fill it.

Theres only one mode with the Tefal it has a smart any fabric setting thats compulsory. Its a little unusual but it does work well, switching temperatures effectively between cotton and more delicate fabrics. Wed still like the option to choose, however.

Steam is initially impressive for such a small steam generator, but it does trail off after a while. Its sufficient to do the job, though, and the iron glides well over a variety of fabrics. A great option if you want a steam generator iron but cant accommodate the larger models.

If youre the iron-as-you-go type, a regular steam iron will probably suffice; if youre always tackling a never-ending pile of clothes, a steam generator iron might be a better option. Why? A steam generator iron will allow you to whizz through a greater number of clothes in less time, thanks to a better steam output attacking stubborn creases with more oomph.

Such models are usually more expensive as a result and theyre bulkier, too but if your kids go through school shirts like theres no tomorrow, you may well find it worth the extra outlay. Once youve decided what type of iron to go for, you can then start thinking about the specifics.

The material from which the soleplate is made is important because it will determine how smoothly your iron glides over your clothes. Ceramic is the king here, but stainless steel isnt a bad option either its just isnt as durable.

Editorial independence means being able to give an unbiased verdict about a product or company, with the avoidance of conflicts of interest. To ensure this is possible, every member of the editorial staff follows a clear code of conduct.

We also expect our journalists to follow clear ethical standards in their work. Our staff members must strive for honesty and accuracy in everything they do. We follow the IPSO Editors code of practice to underpin these standards.

Editorial independence means being able to give an unbiased verdict about a product or company, with the avoidance of conflicts of interest. To ensure this is possible, every member of the editorial staff follows a clear code of conduct.

We also expect our journalists to follow clear ethical standards in their work. Our staff members must strive for honesty and accuracy in everything they do. We follow the IPSO Editors code of practice to underpin these standards.

bad earth - architecture - e-flux

A boy in Orlando West, Soweto shields his eyes from dust from a nearby mine. As South African mines close, they increase pollution from mine dust and acid mine drainage, harming the surroundingmajority-blackcommunities that were established near mines to provide cheap labor. Photo by Samantha Reinders, 2011.

Every year, humans move more earth, and more rock. More than what rivers carry with them as they rush to oceans and lakes. More than what is eroded by wind, or rain, or seasonal frictions. More than what is hurled out as lava by volcanoes. More, in fact, than all planetary forces combined. And faster, tooa few decades of human activity have displaced more materials than the planet could over millennia. This is what it means to say that humans have become a geological force, that the Earth has entered the era of the Anthropocene.

Humans, of course, is far too broad a descriptor to capture the causes, mechanisms, and effects of all this earthly displacement. The generic category of human as an agent of change only makes sense if youre a planet. We all know that some humansbolstered by the political systems in which they live and the institutions for which they workare far more powerful than others.1 The quantity of rock moved by Anglo American in its century-plus of metal mining completely overwhelms that displaced by a migrant scraping the walls of abandoned mine shafts. But the difference is not just a matter of magnitude. More fundamentally, its about the inequities that enabled and conditioned this massive scalar difference, and that continue to be amplified by it. The apparent incommensurability of these scales must not blind us to their deep interdependence. This is especially evident in the use of mine waste as building material, which involves a triple extraction: of minerals, of waste, and of human health.

The increasing precarity of life on our planet may dispose us to see this use of discarded matter as an unalloyed good. Surely its better than removing yet more of the planets matter? Billions of people lack adequate shelter, after all. The need for large-scale, low-cost housing constantly outpaces its construction, as well as the availability of land to build on. The vast growth of mineral extraction since the 1940s has been accompanied by a proliferation of experiments in the re-mining of their waste products. These approaches, in turn, have relied uponand also generateda patchwork of modular building materials, framed by modernitys perpetual penchant for scalability, while simultaneously containing its dark consequences. The promises of postcolonial modernityhousing, health, prosperitytacitly assumed that these materials would be clean, abundant, and neutral: the unremarked and unremarkable means to a greater end, not sources of trouble in and of themselves. Put differently, the assumption was that the materials of postcolonial modernity were raw: in a state of nature, there for the taking, ready to be molded, unsullied and unaffected by previous use.

Yet many of the materials of modernity were not, in fact, inherently neutral. This was notis notmerely a political statement. It also reflects material reality: runoff from abandoned mines, produced by the chemical reaction of exposed pyrites with oxygen, acidifies soil and water. As the ruins of mining and other industrial activity continue to spread, unchecked acid mine drainage renders ever-larger plots of land unfarmable, and ultimately unlivable. Bauxite, gold, uranium, asbestos, iron, copper, and especially coal: all generate gigantic footprints and piles of waste. No surprise, then, that these materials seduced builders, engineers, and architects. Using mine waste as a construction resource appears to address two problems at once: what to do with the waste material and land, and how to build low-cost shelter for the many thousands of workers required to run extractive processes.

Transvaal minefields photographed from hot air balloon. Photo by Eduard Spelterini, 1911. Schweizerische Nationalbibliothek, Eidgenossisches Archiv fur Denkmalpflege (EAD): Sammlung Eduard Spelterini.

Archaeologists have found evidence that Spanish settlers in seventeenth and eighteenth century Mexico used tailings from silver mines in building the adobe haciendas that constituted the loci of their colonial power.2 These buildings bear traces of the mercury used in silver amalgamation, suggesting that their erosion may have released toxins to their inhabitants. Even earlier antecedents surely exist. The reuse of mine waste is nothing new.

What has changed, however, is the scale and shape of such reuse, along with the intensity, spread, and characteristics of contamination it can generate. By 1968, when the US Bureau of Mines began sponsoring national symposia on the use of mine waste in construction, researchers and industrialists were exploring the use of waste from iron, copper, and phosphate mining, as well as fly ash (from coal), ferrous and non-ferrous scrap, and more.3 As one meeting chairman explained, the symposia were built on the premise that pollution and waste offered opportunities, whose technical and economic feasibility could be explored: Incentives, rather than hysteria, offer a sound path toward eliminating the pollution problems of air, water, and land.4 Turning waste into resource certainly seemed like the perfect industry response to the burgeoning environmental movement. Indeed, with this effort originating two years before the creation of the US Environmental Protection Agency, the mining sector appeared positively proactive.

By 1979, RILEM (now the International Union of Laboratories and Experts in Construction Materials, Systems, and Structures) reported on some twenty countries where mineral wastes supplied the formal construction industry. The largest proportion of these materials consisted of metallurgical slags and fly ash. But mine and quarry waste also contributed significantly to road construction, fill, concrete aggregates, andin a few instancesthe manufacture of bricks and plaster. The US dominated RILEMs list, though as symposium reporters noted, this could simply be the result of more information; in most other countries [mine] wastes are often produced in remote areas where little attention is paid to them. The authors noted, in passing, that some of the mine tailings, e.g. those containing heavy metals, uranium, or asbestos may present problems of toxicity and their disposal will accordingly need to be carefully controlled. Nevertheless, in 1979 the authors estimated that the annual production of waste rock from uranium extraction produced some 155 million tons of waste rock in the US, where some of it fed bituminous concrete aggregate. There have been problems of radioactivity, the authors remarked, in bloodless prose. Overall, however, they concluded that raw mine waste saw less uptake than other mineral discards, primarily because in most countries, mines tend to occur away from populated areas and the cost of transport makes them uneconomic in comparison with competing materials.5

Construction projects located near mines and their wastes, however, dont face the problem of transportation costs. In such instances, the economy of waste reuse could seem attractiveparticularly in postcolonial states seeking a fast track to modernity. This undoubtedly drove decisions about building materials for the mining town of Mounana, Gabon, shortly after its erection in the 1970s. Each house, complete with electricity and running water, sheltered a mineworker and his family according to European nuclear family norms (no polygamists, no extended kin) and lifestyles (no chickens, no goats). In the center of town, residents could shop at the marketplace. Women delivered their babies at the maternity clinic. Children attended school. In the late 1970s, Mounana represented Gabonese expectations of modernity via national and corporate projects. In what appeared as a model of efficiency, waste rock from the nearby mines served as the basis for the gravel, cement, and concrete in these structures and in the paved roads that connected it with the town.6

This rock, however, was not inactive. It came from the uranium shafts that powered economic activity in postcolonial eastern Gabon. The uranium content in the discarded rock was too low to extract profitably. But it was still there, and it did what uranium always does: it decayed, releasing radioactivity along the way, gradually turning into radon gas. Three decades later, and years after the mine had shut down, local activists and French NGOs found radon levels in these structures well in excess of internationally recommended limits. In the end, the mining townwhich continued to lodge people after the companys departurehad found a surefire way to make families nuclear.7 The materials of modernity had become instruments of slow violence.

This outcome shouldnt have surprised the French-owned Compagnie Minire dUranium de Franceville (COMUF). In 1971, revelations broke that one-third of the houses in Grand Junction, Colorado were bursting with radon because theyd been built with tailings from the uranium mills that powered that towns growth. Ninety miles further south, some homes in Uravan had radon levels over 700 times regulatory limits; subsequently abandoned, the town became a superfund site. In 1975, a survey demanded by the Navajo Tribal Council found radioactive buildings strung out from Shiprock to Tuba City. Many of these sites in the Navajo Nation remain unremediated, potent reminders of the everyday violence of the white settler state.

During the nineteenth century, hard core buildingwhat French colonial officials called construction en durconstituted a key element of the civilizing mission. In the colonial imagination, modernity required stone, or at least stone-based materials such as concrete or fired clay bricks. Buildings that needed seasonal maintenance to maintain their structure were coded as indigne, inferior. Europeans built solid homes in the tropics, and they assumed that their colonial subjects held the same aspirations. Throughout the mid twentieth centuryincluding during the times of imperial decline, independence, and postcolonial possibilitythe trope of the solid house remained a symbol of concrete modernity for many postcolonial societies seeking to build new nations.

Yet the material and economic conditions of postcolonial state-building undermined these ambitions. The ingredients of modern building were themselves exported, or taken up in the infrastructure needed for resource extraction. In making concrete, grand projects extract selected grades of sand and aggregate, quarrying them from the sum total of earthly resources. The remnantstypically degraded soilsserve as both sites and building materials for housing the global poor.

In response, new taxonomies of earthly materials and building elements emerged. Political and chemical forces concretized these taxonomies by bringing them into relation. Wartime scarcities of the 1940s coincided with experiments in sand, earth, or mud blocks, all stabilized by the addition of cement, with hybrid names such as sandcrete, landcrete, and swishcrete. Some technologies emerged from trials in American agricultural research centers, including the Tuskegee Institute, and were tested in Africa at research stations.8 Cement additives circumvented the need for skilled local builders and their ability to create durable structures by combining earths and organic render mixes with materials such as cow blood, urine, dung, chicken feathers, and plant fibers.9

In the flush of early independences, the biggest challenges seemed to revolve around cost and scale: how to build large numbers of solid houses in which the newly franchised poorparticularly in the tropicscould live, and perhaps even thrive. The need for new houses that met acceptable standards, in the UNs 1952 account, was staggering: 25 million homes in Latin America, homes for 100150 million families in Asia, and enough for just about all the people in Africa.10 Rejecting Third World requests for more moneyor anything that might resemble a Marshall Plan for decolonizing territoriesUN experts, many of whom had previously worked for colonial governments, instead emphasized the importance of low-cost techniques and individual self-financing.11 Cement-stabilized earth blocks fell neatly into this austere approach: since as much as 95% of the block volume consisted of nominally free, local, earthly material, capital reserves could be channeled to infrastructural elements such as sanitation, sheet roofing, and cement.

But theres no such thing as a free block, and development aid always comes at a price. Consider the Landcrete press, designed in the early 1940s in South Africa by Landsborough Findlay, a company specializing in earth-moving equipment for mines and farming land. The companys international marketing efforts succeeded: in 1953, the United Nations Korean Reconstruction Agency bought one hundred presses to help build a million homes for war refugees.12 As modular elements, landcrete blocks could be traded ubiquitously, from very basic production yards to housing sites. UN sponsorship of block making machines did much to displace indigenous earth building with a fragmented and interchangeable vision of building, couched in the idea of self-help in international development.13 And as M. Ijlal Muzaffar documents, the participating native was a central figure in this discourse, which unabashedly celebrated traditional building techniques and indigenous ingenuityeven as it worked to supersede local expertiseall the while claiming to represent the demands and desires of populations already in transition to modernity.14 As presses such as the Landcrete (which had many successors and spin-offs) gained traction in international development circles, blocks replaced solid earth in the building envelope.15 In the same years that Western photographers began training their cameras on the marvels of indigenous earth architectures, development agencies and technical experts worked to fracture their integrity.16

Cheap blocks complemented the roof loan approach, conceived by UN technical advisors on housing. Working in the Gold Coast, the American housing advocate Charles Abrams, along with Vladimir Bodiansky and Otto Koenigsberger imagined that community savings groups would share loans to buy industrially produced materials to roof the houses with already completed walls, which they had built with cheap or personal labor from locally made earth blocks. Rather than evolving together, then, roofs and blocks were recombined in the self-help house as elements with diverse procurement paths. Block fabrication could now take place before or beyond the oversight of technical experts, while the roof materials were locked in place through debt.

Left: extract from report on the Ghana Roof Loan Scheme, presented by Otto Koenigsberger in Addis Ababa, 1969. RIght: molding with a hand press,byNancy Bergau.From Peter Gallant, Self-Help Construction of 1-Story Buildings 6 (Washington, D.C.: Peace Corps, 1977). Courtesy of the Peace Corps.

In this plan, good roofs allowed for bad walls. Protected by the overhang of a relatively durable roof, supported by a sanitary core and pillars, stabilized earth blocks did not have to meet any standards of longevity, size, material, or even delivery timelines. By the 1960s, the roof loan schemeoriginally designed to conclude the self-housing processbecame instead its starting point. This inversion allowed experts to abandon recipients, leaving them to finish their homes entirely by themselves, while repaying the roof loan to their community savings group.17

Roof loans also opened the market for both asbestos cement and corrugated aluminum roofs, along with corrugated iron.18 Their specification related to the availability of raw materials, all of which generated potentially toxic residues and landscapes. In Ghana, for instance, the Volta Aluminium Company began construction on an aluminum smelter in 1964, with the view to make construction products from its bauxite ore mines.19 In South Africawith its rich reserves of asbestos, iron ore, and strip-mined coalasbestos-cement roofs and corrugated iron split the market. In both countries, such beneficiation of raw materials made some economic sense. But for countries without minerals, importing any of these materials represented a burden.

In this assemblage of debt, roof, and unfinished walls, waste served as a basic material for cheap, locally made blocks. Discarded material could substitute for good earth, ideally leaving it as soil for farming. Co-locating housing with borrow pits and other drosscapes made discards readily available as construction material.20 In countries with mineral resources, low cost housing near mines and mills would use materials created as by-products in industrial processes, including red mud from bauxite tailings from alumina extraction, as well as tailings from zinc, copper, gold, asbestos, uranium, and iron mines.21 Portland cement, the ubiquitous stabilizing material, itself was mixed with wastes, including lime sludges, slags, and fly ash.

The consequences of this regulatory arbitrage around mining wastes in building materials are rarely documented. One exceptional study, however, assessed the risk of exposure to dangerous fibers around former asbestos mining sites in South Africa, and then trained villagers to collect samples from houses and schools built from local blocks. Their focus was on those structures that might contain materials gleaned from nearby tailings in the blocks, floors, and plaster.22 Of thirty-one sites surveyed in the village of Sedibeng, near the mining center of Kuruman, 88% of blocks, 94% of houses, and the only school contained asbestos containing building materials (ACBM), some in friable blocks that could release fibers into their surroundings.23 In impoverished communities where many elders had contracted fatal mesotheliomas working in now abandoned mines and closed mills, this risk lingers for another generation.24 Another brick in the crumbling wall of wasted modernity.

In 2019, we travelled the length of the Main Reef Road, which stretches both east and westwards from Johannesburg. Built to serve the industrial gold mines that spawned the city, the road spans much of South Africas Witwatersrand plateau, known by the same moniker as its currency: the Rand. We wanted to sample the range of blocksalong with their constituent materialsthat people can buy to build or expand their homes. How, we wondered, do current residents of the Rand create homes in toxic wastelands, especially in the absence of adequate state housing and land remediation programs?

Launched in 1886, the Rands mines rapidly became the deepest in the world. Removing overburden to reach gold seams, miners extracted billions of tons of rock, formed into gigantic tailing piles and vast slime dams that comprehensively transformed the regions topography in just a few decades.25 By 1911, fifty-two mines formed a nearly 100-kilometer band from Randfontein to Nigel. As their tailings dumps continued to grow, they also became more dangerous. The cyanide leaching of ore to recover gold required milling the ore more finely, which produced smaller dust particles that were even more mobile and inhalable.26 The leaching itself produced vast quantities of sludge that was dumped into the seasonal waterpans of the lowest-lying areas, whence it leaked into streams and groundwater.

Today, some 1.6 million people live on or very near toxic mine dumps, mostly in former black townships and informal settlements, often in precarious conditions.27 Heavy metalsin no short supply thanks to the dumps and their dustdissolve readily in the highly acidic water that decants from mine shafts, transporting toxicants such as mercury, arsenic, and lead into groundwater, streams, and farmland. Uranium-laced dust whips into homes and settles on the vegetable patches that residents rely on for sustenance.28 Over the course of recent decades, mining companies (ever-morphing into new ownership structures) have moved this patchwork of tailings, reprocessing them for gold and/or uranium before reassembling remaining waste into three superdumps. Water and surface damage form the residual footprints of removed dumps.

A wasteland in transition,visualization of mine tailings and re-mining infrastructures on the Witwatersrand. Diagram byTahira Toffah fromMines of Gold, Mounds of Dust: Resurrecting the Witwatersrand (Masters thesis, University of Leuven, 2012).

Urban planners, municipalities, and provincial authorities continue to imagine this toxified landscape as a vacant space to meet South Africas perpetual housing problem.29 In the 1940s, Landcretewhich pressed out solutions to surplus mine sand, abandoned land, and the cost of building materials in a single mechanism, powered by cheap laborcame out of this very landscape. Buildings on the Witwatersrand still amalgamate these elements, albeit at a far greater scale.

Right now, five thousand affordable housing units are being built as a flagship project on land cleared by the removal of a dump at Fleurhof, just north of Soweto.30 But faced with long waiting lists, unhoused residentsno longer willing to accept cramped backroom housing or makeshift informal settlementshave taken construction into their own hands. Inevitably, given both the urgency of housing penury and the lack of state capacity, such building happens without regulatory oversight.31 In altering existing houses, residents often remove their asbestos-cement roofs, either reusing whole sheets or dumping broken ones in nearby parks and open dumpsites, where they continue to fragment and crumble into deadly fibers. Builders use blocks from nearby roadside brick makers, who in turn collect sand and additional materials from mine residues and other sources of solid waste.

Near KwaThema, a woman sold us some crumbling, pinkish blocks that contained sand gathered from the low-lying residues of dumps that had been removed for industrial-scale reprocessing. Further out on the Main Reef Road, we found an enterprising man making blocks from a dark, sticky gravel that looked like incinerator waste. Operations like his abounded.

Closer to Johannesburg, over the Main Reef road from Fleurhof, we located a small blockmaking business run by an elderly, weather-worn Afrikaner with a half-dozen employees. Just a few hundred meters downhill from this operation, on the lip of a large abandoned mine cavity, young artisanal zama-zama miners from Zimbabwe and Lesotho had established a basecamp, where they dug around and into the abandoned pits, scavenging rock with potential gold content.32 Block and mining businesses share a crusher beltand, apparently, the occasional braai. The Afrikaner and his staff fashion their ground rock into blocks, which they mainly sell to clients from Soweto. The zama-zamas put their ground rock through an artisanal treatment process, most likely using mercury to suspend any gold. Three or four times a week, the police swing by to collect their cut, which explained stern injunctions from both groups to refrain from taking pictures.

Each batch of blocks differs in its exact composition, but all include the toxic remainders of mining. Sold in small loads to backyard builders, they redistribute these residues into residences. Following the precise paths of these many relocations would be nearly impossible. Regulation, in such situations, isnt even the subject of reverie. Utterly unremarked, this new configuration of self-help compresses toxic landscapes into the framework of the home. Extraction removes the good earth. The poor inherit the bad earth. They live on it, and in it, and with it. To be sure, there is some bad earth in all of us. But bad earth does its worst in the bodies and homes of those who struggle most for daily survival.

Gabrielle Hecht is the Frank Stanton Foundation Professor of Nuclear Security at the Center for International Security and Cooperation at Stanford University, where she is also Professor of History, Professor (by courtesy) of Anthropology, and Senior Fellow at the Freeman Spogli Institute.

On the role of race, geography, and other axes of inequality in the Anthropocene, see Gabrielle Hecht, The African Anthropocene, Aeon, February 6, 2018, ; Franoise Vergs, Capitalocene, Waste, Race, and Gender, e-flux Journal 100, May 2019, ; Kathryn Yusoff, White Utopia/Black Inferno: Life on a Geologic Spike, e-flux Journal 97, February 2019, ; Katherine McKittrick, Plantation Futures, Small Axe 17, no. 3 (November 2013): 115; Peter James Hudson, The Racist Dawn of Capitalism, Boston Review, March 1, 2016; Malcolm Ferdinand, Une cologie dcoloniale: Penser lcologie depuis le monde cariben (Paris: Le Seuil, 2019); Jeremy Foster, Washed With Sun: Landscape and the Making of White South Africa (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008).

Mara Jess Puy-Alquiza et al., The Mine Tailings as Construction Material in the Viceregal Period: Case Study in Guanajuato City, Mexico, Boletn de La Sociedad Geolgica Mexicana 71, no. 2 (May 2019): 54364.

Murray A. Schwartz, Foreword, in U.S. Bureau of Mines and IIT Research Institute, Proceedings of the Second: Mineral Waste Utilization Symposium, March 1819, 1968, IIT Research Institute, Chicago, IL.

See United Nations, Housing in the Tropics, and G. Anthony Atkinson, Design and Construction in the Tropics, in United Nations Housing and Town and Country Planning Bulletin 6 (New York: United Nations, 1952); Francis Macdonald, Terracrete: Building with Rammed Earth-cement (Research paper, Chestertown, 1939), ; Iain Jackson et al., The Volta River Project: planning, housing and resettlement in Ghana, 19501965, The Journal of Architecture 24, no. 4 (May 2019).

Noted in Ijlal Muzzafar, The Periphery Within: Modern Architecture and the Making of the Third World (PhD diss., MIT, 2007); but see also Donna Mehos and Suzanne Moon, The Uses of Portability: Circulating Experts in the Technopolitics of Cold War and Decolonization, in Entangled Geographies: Empire and Technopolitics in the Global Cold War, ed. Gabrielle Hecht (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2011).

Centro Interamericano de Vivienda y Planeamiento, El CINVA-RAM, maquina portatil para fabricar bloques de tierra estabilizada, Ekistics 5, no. 28 (January 1958): 1820; Peter Gallant, Self-Help Construction of 1-Story Buildings 6 (Washington, D.C.: Peace Corps, 1977), .

Dynamics like these proliferated across the postcolonial world. For example, Daniel Williford argues that concrete combined with new types of finance to shape housing and urban crisis in colonial and postcolonial Morocco. Daniel Williford, Concrete Futures: Technologies of Urban Crisis in Colonial and Postcolonial Morocco (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2020).

Hannah le Roux, Circulating Asbestos, Its Simple: Histories of Architecture and/for the Environment, October 19, 2018, Columbia University, New York). These sheetings performed similarly in the warm, humid tropics.[footnote Otto Koenigsberger and Robert Lynn, Roofs in the Warm Humid Tropics (London: Lund Humphries, 1965).

Simon Gawu, Emmanuel Amissah, and J.S.Y. Kuma, The proposed alumina industry and how to mitigate against the red mud footprint in Ghana, Journal of Urban and Environmental Engineering 6, no. 2 (2012): 4856, .

Robert R. Jones, Assessment of environmental contamination from asbestos: Findings for the former asbestos mining regions of South Africa (Grahamstown: Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, 2006).

See, for instance, conditions at Kuruman mines in the 1950s in Blue asbestos mines at Kuruman, Westerberg and Koegas, (South Africa: Periscope Film, 1950s), ; Jock McCulloch, Asbestos blues: labour, capital, physicians & the state in South Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002).

See Sin Butcher, Making and Governing Unstable Territory: Corporate, State and Public Encounters in Johannesburgs Mining Land, 19092013, The Journal of Development Studies 54, no. 12 (December 2018): 21862209, ; Kerry Bobbins and Guy Trangos, Mining landscapes of the Gauteng City-Region (Johannesburg: Gauteng City-Region Observatory, 2018); Wim Wambecq et al., From mine to life cycle closure: towards a vision for the West Rand, Johannesburg, October 13, 2014, Mine Closure 2014, Johannesburg.

South African building regulations do not apply to dwellings below 80 square meters in size. See SABS, The Application of the National Building Regulations, Part A: General principles and requirements, in SANS 10400-A: 2016, ed. South African Bureau of Standards (Pretoria: SABS Standards Division, 2016).

On the role of race, geography, and other axes of inequality in the Anthropocene, see Gabrielle Hecht, The African Anthropocene, Aeon, February 6, 2018, ; Franoise Vergs, Capitalocene, Waste, Race, and Gender, e-flux Journal 100, May 2019, ; Kathryn Yusoff, White Utopia/Black Inferno: Life on a Geologic Spike, e-flux Journal 97, February 2019, ; Katherine McKittrick, Plantation Futures, Small Axe 17, no. 3 (November 2013): 115; Peter James Hudson, The Racist Dawn of Capitalism, Boston Review, March 1, 2016; Malcolm Ferdinand, Une cologie dcoloniale: Penser lcologie depuis le monde cariben (Paris: Le Seuil, 2019); Jeremy Foster, Washed With Sun: Landscape and the Making of White South Africa (Pittsburgh: University of Pittsburgh Press, 2008).

Mara Jess Puy-Alquiza et al., The Mine Tailings as Construction Material in the Viceregal Period: Case Study in Guanajuato City, Mexico, Boletn de La Sociedad Geolgica Mexicana 71, no. 2 (May 2019): 54364.

Murray A. Schwartz, Foreword, in U.S. Bureau of Mines and IIT Research Institute, Proceedings of the Second: Mineral Waste Utilization Symposium, March 1819, 1968, IIT Research Institute, Chicago, IL.

See United Nations, Housing in the Tropics, and G. Anthony Atkinson, Design and Construction in the Tropics, in United Nations Housing and Town and Country Planning Bulletin 6 (New York: United Nations, 1952); Francis Macdonald, Terracrete: Building with Rammed Earth-cement (Research paper, Chestertown, 1939), ; Iain Jackson et al., The Volta River Project: planning, housing and resettlement in Ghana, 19501965, The Journal of Architecture 24, no. 4 (May 2019).

Noted in Ijlal Muzzafar, The Periphery Within: Modern Architecture and the Making of the Third World (PhD diss., MIT, 2007); but see also Donna Mehos and Suzanne Moon, The Uses of Portability: Circulating Experts in the Technopolitics of Cold War and Decolonization, in Entangled Geographies: Empire and Technopolitics in the Global Cold War, ed. Gabrielle Hecht (Cambridge: MIT Press, 2011).

Centro Interamericano de Vivienda y Planeamiento, El CINVA-RAM, maquina portatil para fabricar bloques de tierra estabilizada, Ekistics 5, no. 28 (January 1958): 1820; Peter Gallant, Self-Help Construction of 1-Story Buildings 6 (Washington, D.C.: Peace Corps, 1977), .

Dynamics like these proliferated across the postcolonial world. For example, Daniel Williford argues that concrete combined with new types of finance to shape housing and urban crisis in colonial and postcolonial Morocco. Daniel Williford, Concrete Futures: Technologies of Urban Crisis in Colonial and Postcolonial Morocco (PhD diss., University of Michigan, 2020).

Hannah le Roux, Circulating Asbestos, Its Simple: Histories of Architecture and/for the Environment, October 19, 2018, Columbia University, New York). These sheetings performed similarly in the warm, humid tropics.[footnote Otto Koenigsberger and Robert Lynn, Roofs in the Warm Humid Tropics (London: Lund Humphries, 1965).

Simon Gawu, Emmanuel Amissah, and J.S.Y. Kuma, The proposed alumina industry and how to mitigate against the red mud footprint in Ghana, Journal of Urban and Environmental Engineering 6, no. 2 (2012): 4856, .

Robert R. Jones, Assessment of environmental contamination from asbestos: Findings for the former asbestos mining regions of South Africa (Grahamstown: Department of Environmental Affairs and Tourism, 2006).

See, for instance, conditions at Kuruman mines in the 1950s in Blue asbestos mines at Kuruman, Westerberg and Koegas, (South Africa: Periscope Film, 1950s), ; Jock McCulloch, Asbestos blues: labour, capital, physicians & the state in South Africa (Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 2002).

See Sin Butcher, Making and Governing Unstable Territory: Corporate, State and Public Encounters in Johannesburgs Mining Land, 19092013, The Journal of Development Studies 54, no. 12 (December 2018): 21862209, ; Kerry Bobbins and Guy Trangos, Mining landscapes of the Gauteng City-Region (Johannesburg: Gauteng City-Region Observatory, 2018); Wim Wambecq et al., From mine to life cycle closure: towards a vision for the West Rand, Johannesburg, October 13, 2014, Mine Closure 2014, Johannesburg.

South African building regulations do not apply to dwellings below 80 square meters in size. See SABS, The Application of the National Building Regulations, Part A: General principles and requirements, in SANS 10400-A: 2016, ed. South African Bureau of Standards (Pretoria: SABS Standards Division, 2016).

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