project report on quartz crushing in uttar pradesh

kanpur metro rail development project, uttar pradesh, india

The project is being implemented by Uttar Pradesh Metro Rail Corporation (UPMRC), which was previously known as Lucknow Metro Rail Corporation (LMRC). UPMRC is a joint venture between the Government of India and the Government of Uttar Pradesh.

Rail India Technical and Economic Service (RITES) submitted a detailed project report (DPR) of the project to the state government in 2015. The Union Cabinet of India approved the project in March 2019.

Kanpur Development Authority (KDA) is the nodal agency for Kanpur Metro and UPMRC coordinated the preparation of the DPR for the project. The total cost estimated for the Kanpur metro project will be Rs110.76bn ($1.56bn).

Based on the DPR, the MRTS project is expected to have a peak hour peak direction traffic (PHPDT) of 18,040 passengers in 2024 for the 24km-long stretch between IIT Kanpur and Naubasta. The length of the first phase is expected to be around 33km and the project will include a total of 30 stations.

Afcons Infrastructure received a civil contract for the metro rail project in September 2019. The Rs6.76bn ($95.01m) contract involves the construction of nine metro stations and elevated viaduct structures.

Kanpur Metro will have two corridors. The IIT-Kanpur to Naubasta corridor will include an elevated section of 15.16km and an underground stretch of 8.62km. The 8.5km-long second corridor from Agriculture University to Barra-8 will include 4.19km of elevated stretch and 4.41km of underground section.

The first corridor will have 22 stations, comprising 14 elevated and eight underground stations. Metro stations of the corridor will link key educational institutions such as IIT-Kanpur, CSJM University, and GSYM Medical College.

The corridor between Agriculture University and Barra-8 will pass through eight stations, including Kakadeo, Vijay Nagar Chauraha, Shastri Chowk, and Govind Nagar. It will connect densely populated residential areas. Four of the stations will be elevated while the remaining four will be underground.

The 9km-long priority section will include nine elevated stations. The stations will be IIT-Kanpur, Kalyanpur Railway station, SPM Hospital, and CSJM University, Gurudev Chauraha, Geeta Nagar, Rawatpur Railway station, Lala Lajpat Rai Hospital, and Moti Jheel.

tp renewable microgrid marks its first anniversary by commissioning its 100th solar microgrid project in ratnapur, uttar pradesh

While the Government of India has achieved 100% electrification under the Saubhagya scheme, communities in Indian states, especially, Bihar and Uttar Pradesh still have unreliable power supply and face unscheduled power cuts. Many of the micro-enterprises still use non-grid sources of electricity to run their machines such as atta chakki, oil expellers etc. To bridge this gap, TP Renewable Microgrid (TPRMG), a 100% Subsidiary of Tata Power shall provide a cheap and reliable power supply through an off-grid AC Microgrid solution. TPRMG announced that it has commissioned its 100th Solar Microgrid project in a remote & small village of Ratnapur, Uttar Pradesh on 26th November, 2020, coinciding with its first anniversary.

This 30kW Microgrid project harnesses energy from the sun using solar panels. The microgrid has a battery as an energy storage system. For the back-up power supply, a DG-set has been installed in the Microgrid itself, enabling 24x7 power supply to the community.

With the commissioning of Ratnapur project, the total installed capacity of TPRMGs solar microgrid projects stands at 3MW. The company took 10 months to commission its first 100th Microgrid inspite of COVID-19 restrictions however, it is now focusing to commission its next 100th Microgrid in less than 4 months time. Currently, there are around 50 Nos. of projects which are in various stages of project execution.

We are extremely proud of this achievement. It is a huge milestone for us to be able to commission our 100th Microgrid within less than a year. This also marks TPRMGs first anniversary. Through our off-grid solutions like solar microgrids, we wish to help rural communities in India to meet their urgent power needs in a quick and economical manner. This project will not only provide reliable power supply to the villages, but also work towards improving the livelihood and bring about socio-economic development of the community as a whole, said Mr. Praveer Sinha, CEO & MD, Tata Power Company Limited.

Tata Power is Indias largest integrated power company and, together with its subsidiaries & jointly controlled entities, has an installed/ managed capacity of 12,772 MW. A pioneer in the field, it has a presence across the entire power value chain - generation of renewable as well as conventional power including hydro and thermal energy, transmission & distribution, trading and coal & freight logistics. With nearly 2.6GW of renewable energy assets in solar and wind accounting for 30% of the company's portfolio, Tata Power is a leader in clean energy generation. In line with the company's view on sustainable and clean energy development, Tata Power is steering the transformation of utilities to integrated solutions by looking at new business growth in EV charging & storage, distributed generation & rooftops, micro grids and home automation & smart meters. It has successful public-private partnerships in generation, transmission & distribution in India, namely Tata Power Delhi Distribution Ltd. with Delhi Vidyut Board for distribution in North Delhi; 'Tata Power Ajmer Distribution Ltd.' with Ajmer Vidyut Vitran Nigam Ltd. for distribution in Ajmer; 'Powerlinks Transmission Ltd.' with Power Grid Corporation of India Ltd. for evacuation of Power from Tala hydro plant in Bhutan to Delhi; 'Maithon Power Ltd.' with Damodar Valley Corporation for a 1050 MW Mega Power Project at Jharkhand. Tata Power is serving more than 2.6 million distribution consumers in India and has developed the countrys first 4000 MW Ultra Mega Power Project at Mundra (Gujarat) based on super-critical technology.

With its 105 years track record of technology leadership, project execution excellence, world-class safety processes, customer care and driving green initiatives, Tata Power is poised for multi-fold growth and committed to 'lighting up lives' for generations to come. Visit us at: www.tatapower.com

disproportionate and illegitimate state violence: a report on the police violence in uttar pradesh against anti-caa protestors - the polis project, inc

In December 2019, the Indian government passed a controversial new legislation called the Citizenship (Amendment) Act which seeks to fast track citizenship for non-Muslim illegal immigrants that arrived in India on or before 31st of December 2014 from Bangladesh, Pakistan and Afghanistan. The deliberate exclusion of Muslims from this Act combined with the enunciations of the Indian government promising a National Register of Citizens that will detect, detain and deport illegal immigrants from the country, has raised severe public concerns about how the twin measures will be used systematically to disadvantage Indian Muslims and deny them citizenship. Since December 2019, India has seen massive protests across the country that have been conducted peacefully, except for states in which the ruling Bharatiya Janata Party [BJP] is in power. One of those states is Uttar Pradesh [UP]. Under the leadership of a BJP ideologue, Yogi Adityanath, several protestors have been killed in UP in police violence against protestors in Sambhal, Muzaffarnagar, Meerut and other places. Since the state violence unleashed on non-violent protests against the CAA in UP during December 2019,Karwaan-e-Mohabbat has conducted aseries of fact-finding missions to Meerut, Muzaffarnagar, Ferozabad and Sambhal.Karwaan-e-Mohabbat along with several other organizations, then held a Peoples Tribunal on State Action in Uttar Pradesh on January 16, 2020, at which testimonies were placed before a panel of eminent legal personalities, academics and human rights activists. The fact-finding team includesAyesha Kidwai, Farida Khan, Navsharan Singh, Nivedita Menon, Sandeep Yadav, Sumit Gupta, Tanika Sarkar, Harsh Mander and Varna Balakrishnan.

Sustained reportage by dogged and principled journalists and investigation by citizens groups have gradually begun to illuminate the terrible darkness around the anti-CAA [Citizenship (Amendment) Act, 2019] protests in UP [Uttar Pradesh] over December 2019. Every single one of these has exploded the narrative fostered by the UP government, police and compliant local media, of violent mobs destroying public property and attacking police.

We have all noted that massive marches against the CAA have taken place all over the country, but have turned violent only in BJP ruled states. The various reports that are now emerging reveal the extent to which the UP police eitheracted as a violent mob itself, or used police informers or local RSS organizations to start stone pelting and other such acts to disrupt non-violent marches, and to provide an excuse for violent police action.

A public hearing on state action in UP was held in Delhi on January 16th, 2020, bringing together all the information collected by different groups of people who have visited different parts of the state.

Joining a fact-finding team from Karwan e Mohabbat, Nivedita Menon visited Sambhal in Uttar Pradesh after anti- CAA protests turned violent, leading to large-scale detention of adults and minors alike and several deaths caused due to gunshot injuries."Whatever is happening in Uttar Pradesh is not a breakdown of law and order. It is Hindu Rashtra. Violence in Sambhal can be regarded as Gujarat 2.0 as peaceful protests have only turned violent in BJP ruled states. By January 8th, 55 arrests were made in Sambhal and thousands had been detained. The exact figures of how many people have been arrested aren't even known until those prisoners are able to reach out to a lawyer or they are produced in court. So the figures are still hazy." said Nivedita as she highlighted the grave atmosphere of intimidation and fear that can be seen in Sambhal.

A team went to Sambhal from Karwan-e-Mohabbat on 2 January, 2020, consisting of Ayesha Kidwai, Farida Khan, Navsharan Singh, Nivedita Menon, Sandeep Yadav, Sumit Gupta, Tanika Sarkar and Varna Balakrishnan.

Sambhal town dates back at least to Lodhi rule, and has a large Muslim majority nearly 78% of the towns population. There are about twenty to thirty prosperous and locally prominent Muslim families who have contributed significantly to town life. A rich farmers wife runs a school for poor and Dalit children, one is a well-known Ayurvedic/Unani doctor, one an allopathic doctor with a degree from the UK, who treats poorer patients free of charge.

The Zillah Sangharsh Samiti (ZSS) was set up in 2011 when the longstanding demand for Sambhal District was met, but the district headquarters was set up in Bahjoi, some 26 km from Sambhal. ZSS campaigned to make Sambhal town the headquarters of the district but was unsuccessful. Nevertheless the ZSS has continued since then to be active in charitable and educational work, environmental activities and it was also active in the District Administrations Sotnadi Punarjeevan Evam Vikas Samiti in a private-public partnership to develop the banks of the Sot Nadi [Sot river]. They work together with the local SDM [Sub-divisional Magistrate] and the Circle Officer in municipal and welfare activities. The ZSS has active participation from some of the most prominent Muslims of Sambhal, who have also financially contributed substantially to government programmes.

There is a significant Rashtriya Swayamsewak Sangh and Vishwa Hindu Parishad (RSS-VHP) presence in Sambhal and the town has a history of communal violence from the late 1970s. Most recently in November 2019, there was an incident when a local mosque under construction was declared illegal by the police, upon the intervention of a VHP leader, and its construction was stopped. Local women marched to the mosque and occupied it. At that time the Muslim members of the ZSS had played a crucial role in mediating between the community and the police and getting the women to evacuate the mosque. This was a difficult and delicate task, our informants said, as a temple continued to be constructed nearby and the sense of betrayal over the Ayodhya judgement was still fresh.

On 19thDecember, two protests were planned. One by the Samajwadi Party MLA and MP, and one by theZSS. The administration initially granted permission to the ZSS to hold the protest in the Al Tareen ITI college, which is run by Mushir Tareen Khan, whom we met and who also heads the ZSS. However by the night of 18th December, the administration withdrew the permission and filled the grounds of the college with water to ensure no gathering could take place there. The residents of Sambhal learnt that Section 144 was imposed in the town. The leading members of ZSS were asked to sign an undertaking not to participate in any public or private protest, which they did.

That night FIRs [First Information Reports] were filed against them under Section 116 among others. On 19thmorning, the police put Mushir Tareen Khan under house arrest. Some of the key members of the ZSS collected in the campus of the home and cold storage unit of Mr. Khan and effectively remainednazarbandthere till the evening of the next day, 20th, which was a Friday. On the 19ththe Samajwadi Party protest was met with water cannon, lathi charge, tear gas and police firing in the air. Two buses were stoned, set ablaze and police were pelted with stones, according to media reports.

Our informants told us that on the 20thafter Friday namaz, although no organization or group made any formal call, people started gathering spontaneously in large numbers and soon the gathering took the form of a procession which started moving towards Chandausi Chowk. There was no leader of the procession, nor did they have any memorandum to be given to the administration: It was a spontaneous outpouring against the unjust CAA.

The procession was met by a heavy police force led by the SP [Superintended of Police] City, at the Chandausi Chowk, blocking the slogan-shouting but peaceful procession. Police began to lathi-charge, there was a stampede, teargas shells were lobbed. As thick smoke engulfed the area, gunshots were heard and two young Muslim men Bilal in his early 30s and Sharoz in his 20s sustained bullet injuries. They later died. Police initially denied firing bullets but lateradmitted to firing in self defence. We were told by several informants that people also saw a local VHP/RSS man, identified as Santosh Kumar, firing, and we were shown a video of this man firing a gun.

[Affiliated video: Testimonies of people describing police violence in Uttar Pradesh during which anti-CAA protestors were shot and killed. Warning: Graphic imagery] Mr. Khan and the 4 others who were under arrest at his home on the 20th, were contacted repeatedly by the district administration to come and help to disperse the crowds, as they have intervened on earlier such occasions. But they refused to leave Mr. Khans home. There they were under police surveillance. If they left the place, they feared they would be arrested for breaking order and perhaps accused of inciting the people out on the roads. Around 4 p.m. in the afternoon, Mr. Khan heard that his brother was in a Delhi hospital, and he left immediately for Delhi. In his absence, charges of rioting were brought against him and five other ZSS members (including a former policeman) though at no time had any of them been anywhere near the site of violence as CCTV cameras and police stationed at the house could testify. Fines Despite this, all of them are among those who have been served recovery notices for compensation for public property, to the tune of several lakhs. They intend to challenge this in courts, but are aware how time consuming and expensive the process will be, with no guarantee of justice. Such fines on individuals for destruction of public property by unidentified people during mob situations, are unprecedented, and there is no legal backing for this move. This is the kind of strategy used by conquering armies to quell populations they conquer, not the act of a supposedly democratically elected government. While talking to us, the men broke down several times. They were among the wealthy and eminent citizens of Sambhal and were in a state of shock, unable to make sense of the cases against them. They were also painfully aware that they were being targeted as Muslims, and one of them said Where are we to go? This is our country, isnt it? Stone pelting, bus burning There were two narratives from our informants regarding this for the two days. The local police keep some men on its rolls as police informers. They are used by the police to intimidate petty criminals or ordinary citizens as the need arises. According to people who spoke to us, the stone pelting at Chandausi [Chowk] on the 19thwas begun by these men. One of these men was spotted in a video footage by his neighbour who spoke to us. They also pointed out that while there are videos of as yet unidentified young men stoning a bus, there are no videos showing who set the bus on fire. That the local Valmiki [Dalit] community (our informants called them bhangi) is mobilized by the BJP and the police against local Muslims on various occasions. In one locality, around Shankar Chauraha, Dalits live on one side of the road and Muslims on another. On the 20thfrom here young Valmiki men gathered to pelt stones on the protesters and the latter pelted stones back at them. Our informants said these Valmiki men had the full support of the police in that they were not stopped or hindered in any way. There are videos showing some men pelting stones while police walk near them, taking no action. The fact is that the origins of the eruption of violence in Sambhal are not clear at all, though the local media seems to be hand in glove with the police in reporting all police action as necessitated by self defence in the face of a violent mob protesting the CAA. Detentions and Arrests Police made large scale arrests over both days, including in one case, a boy going home after tuition, or people picked up off the streets. According to Qamar Husain, Advocate, whom we met, they knew of at least 50 people who had been arrested. (By January 8ththey knew for sure about 55 arrestsas he told theCaravanreporter). These included minors. Many who did not return home were found later to have been arrested. The information about arrests trickles in slowly by word of mouth of others in jail, or, as and when families contacted by the arrested spread the word. [Affiliated video: Police brutality against minors during the anti-CAA protests in UP] This is an important aspect of mass arrests in such incidents. No concrete information is made available by the police for considerable lengths of time, and thus many languish in jail with no legal assistance, as their arrest is not even known to their families. Many of them were taken to Bareilly Jail, and minors too were housed with other adult prisoners. Thousands were detained, and full information is not available yet of how many have returned home. All of them have been beaten brutally during the protests, after arrest as well as in prison. One of those arrested, Aehtesham, a student of Jamia Millia [Jamia Millia Islamia University] in Delhi, had gone home to Sambhal when Jamia closed after the protests and police violence there. He was picked up by the police, and when his Jamia identity card was found in his pocket, others arrested with him said to their visitors that he was singled out for a particularly brutal assault by police, abusing him for being from Jamia. The police narrative, they said, is that students of AMU [Aligarh Muslim University] and Jamia incited and led the protests against the CAA. We met his family, who had no idea about where he was for two days, he simply went missing. Finally when they were all produced in court, a lawyer called his family. His sister who travelled two to three hours to Bareilly Jail (about 130 kms away) to meet him, said she saw marks of beating on him, and he would not meet her eyes. She also told us there was a very young boy there about ten years old, who was crying inconsolably for his mother. The people of Sambhal in general are so terrified that they do not speak to the media and most do not want their names to be reported. It took some time for them to start speaking. A young man who introduced himself as being from AMU joined us at one point, but before we had the opportunity to talk to him, he left. We learnt that his father had ordered him to go home immediately and not to speak to any outsiders. Deaths There were two deaths due to bullet injuries. Bilal(aged 31) of Shahbazpura, was killed near Chandausi Chowk. Bilals father told the team that on the 20thBilal, a wage laborer, father of three, left home to go to Muradabad for some work at around 1 p.m. afterjumme ki namaz. His friend was with him. Near the Chowk, they encountered a big slogan shouting crowd. There was also police on the other side of the road and suddenly a bullet hit him on his face. He fell and his friend lost contact with him in the crowd. But it seems some people took him to a private hospital but he died on the way. His family got a call some time later from the friend to say that he was shot and had been taken to the hospital, but he had no definite information and they kept getting conflicting information of his whereabouts. Finally they traced him to the Fazal Nursing Home and when his father and cousins reached there, he was dead. His father said that the bullet hit him right under the lower lip, it pierced through and was stuck near the back of the neck. This was shown in the x-ray which was done before the post mortem in the local government hospital in Bahjoi. The family was not given the x-ray or the post mortem report, but they showed us pictures of his body where the bullet entry wound is clearly visible. The body was returned to the family in the night and he was buried the same night, at 1 a.m. The family registered a complaint in the police station on the 20thevening stating that Bilal, who was on his way to Moradabad for work, was killed by a bullet fired by the police with the intention to kill. The family has a stamped copy of the complaint received by the police. Later, the same day, the police filed an FIR, it mentions that Bilal died of an injury (chot lagne se maut ho gayi). The FIR doesnt mention how Bilal was hurt. We met the family on January 2nd 2020, and the family had still not received a copy of the post mortem report. (According to theCaravanjournalist they had not got it even on January 7th). They said they had been pursuing it but every time they go to the police, they are told, it will take time. The family also said that local police officer came to see them on January 1st. The officer wanted to know if the family wanted to pursue anything specific in relation to the case. Bilals father told him that he would get back after consulting with the members of his community. Shehroz(aged 22). Hisfamily told us that on the 19th, he left home at 3 p.m. He was a driver, the only educated person in his family of unskilled labourers, he had learnt driving, got himself a driving license and a job with a local taxi service. When he reported for duty, the taxi owner asked him to go back home as the town appeared tense. At 4:20 p.m. someone called the family from his mobile that he had got a bullet in the stomach and was taken to SEWA hospital in Sambhal who referred him to Asian hospital in Moradabad, more than 50 km away. At the Asian hospital they were asked to go to TMU hospital, about an hour away. By the time they reached the third hospital, he had lost a lot of blood and succumbed to his injury. His body was brought back to Sambhal Government Hospital and Post Mortem was performed there the next morning. But the report was not given to the family. [Affiliated video: Medical negligence in Uttar Pradesh for protestors injured/killed in the anti-CAA protests] Shehrozs family filed a complaint in the police station mentioning specifically that he was hit by a bullet. But the FIR states that he died in the stampede. Shehrozs family was visited by Crime Branch officers on January 1st and asked to identify in a photograph, two young men on a bike carrying Shehrozs body. His father said he could not identify them. This visit is intimidatory as rather than inquiring into the circumstances of his death, the police seemed more keen to find the names of those who helped him. Given the role of the police in Sambhal, it is not beyond the realms of possibility that those young men could be held responsible for the shooting. This seems even more likely in the light of the story later uncovered by theCaravanreporter. We were not given any more information than detailed above, but according to theCaravanreport, the body of Shehroz was found exactly where the RSS man Santosh Kumar is firing from. The police have all this information, but are evidently not keen to follow up the case, which has been registered under Section 304 of the Indian Penal Code, which deals with culpable homicide not amounting to murder. The families and neighbours of both Bilal and Shehroz are distraught and angry. Bilal was a son, husband and father, leaving behind small children and his widow, his grieving mother and father, his sister. His sister, carrying her infant nephew, hit her fist against the wall yeh hamara ghar hai, kaise ye log hamein nikaal sakte hain? Shehroz was saving up to send his parents to Mecca. He was active on Facebook and very upset about the CAA. His father told us that his last post says,Deen mera Islam hai, Watan mera Hindostan hai, na kabhi deen chod sakta hoon, na watan chod sakta hoon.(My faith is Islam, my country is Hindostan, I can never give up my faith, nor can I leave my country). No policeman had been seriously injured in the clashes (although the police in a later press conference at which theCaravanreporter was present, claimed 50 of their men were injured in the stone pelting), and at most a couple of public vehicles had been burnt. The scale of repression is clearly and vastly disproportionate to the nature of offences, even if we grant that the charges are true. [Affiliated video: Testimony of Sadaf Jafar who was arrested by Uttar Pradesh police and subject to custodial violence by the police] I Was Reduced To My Muslim Identity by UP Police | Sadaf Jafar #Tathya Speaking at the People's Tribunal on State Action in UP, Sadaf recounted the nightmare she went through in custody when she was arrested during the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests in Uttar Pradesh.We were protesting peacefully at Parivartan Chowk and then the arson and stone-pelting took place. More than anything, it appeared to be completely state-sponsored. There were two things that raised eyebrows. One, how is it that you have Section 144 imposed and you have people carrying stones and not getting detected by the police when there were so many personnel deputed? And they were all dressed up alike, as if in uniform they were all wearing the skull caps and typical keffiyehs."The police officers asked Sadaf to sit on the ground, but she refused, citing a bad knee. She was then slapped, her spectacles fell off her face and her phone fell off her hands. I went on all fours to pick up my phone and they started hitting me with batons on my back. I tried to save my head with my hands but someone said they would injure my hands and fracture them so I held them under my stomach and they kept hitting me with batons on my backs and shoulders, she said. Posted by Karwan e Mohabbat on Thursday, January 16, 2020 An air of total incomprehension, anger and dejection hangs over the local Muslims, rich and poor. They have a strong sense of belonging to Sambhal, of local pride and patriotism. The CAA and the impending NPR [National Population Register] and the NRC [National Register of Citizens] challenge all that, and the merciless repression on 19thand 20thDecember and all that has followed, has induced a tragic identity crisis among them. It feels like the Muslim population of Sambhal (and in UP as a whole, given the reports that we have seen by journalists and citizens groups), are held hostage by a criminal mafia of government, police and Hindu right-wing organizations.

Mr. Khan and the 4 others who were under arrest at his home on the 20th, were contacted repeatedly by the district administration to come and help to disperse the crowds, as they have intervened on earlier such occasions. But they refused to leave Mr. Khans home. There they were under police surveillance. If they left the place, they feared they would be arrested for breaking order and perhaps accused of inciting the people out on the roads. Around 4 p.m. in the afternoon, Mr. Khan heard that his brother was in a Delhi hospital, and he left immediately for Delhi. In his absence, charges of rioting were brought against him and five other ZSS members (including a former policeman) though at no time had any of them been anywhere near the site of violence as CCTV cameras and police stationed at the house could testify.

Despite this, all of them are among those who have been served recovery notices for compensation for public property, to the tune of several lakhs. They intend to challenge this in courts, but are aware how time consuming and expensive the process will be, with no guarantee of justice. Such fines on individuals for destruction of public property by unidentified people during mob situations, are unprecedented, and there is no legal backing for this move. This is the kind of strategy used by conquering armies to quell populations they conquer, not the act of a supposedly democratically elected government.

While talking to us, the men broke down several times. They were among the wealthy and eminent citizens of Sambhal and were in a state of shock, unable to make sense of the cases against them. They were also painfully aware that they were being targeted as Muslims, and one of them said Where are we to go? This is our country, isnt it?

The fact is that the origins of the eruption of violence in Sambhal are not clear at all, though the local media seems to be hand in glove with the police in reporting all police action as necessitated by self defence in the face of a violent mob protesting the CAA.

Police made large scale arrests over both days, including in one case, a boy going home after tuition, or people picked up off the streets. According to Qamar Husain, Advocate, whom we met, they knew of at least 50 people who had been arrested. (By January 8ththey knew for sure about 55 arrestsas he told theCaravanreporter). These included minors. Many who did not return home were found later to have been arrested. The information about arrests trickles in slowly by word of mouth of others in jail, or, as and when families contacted by the arrested spread the word.

[Affiliated video: Police brutality against minors during the anti-CAA protests in UP] This is an important aspect of mass arrests in such incidents. No concrete information is made available by the police for considerable lengths of time, and thus many languish in jail with no legal assistance, as their arrest is not even known to their families. Many of them were taken to Bareilly Jail, and minors too were housed with other adult prisoners. Thousands were detained, and full information is not available yet of how many have returned home. All of them have been beaten brutally during the protests, after arrest as well as in prison. One of those arrested, Aehtesham, a student of Jamia Millia [Jamia Millia Islamia University] in Delhi, had gone home to Sambhal when Jamia closed after the protests and police violence there. He was picked up by the police, and when his Jamia identity card was found in his pocket, others arrested with him said to their visitors that he was singled out for a particularly brutal assault by police, abusing him for being from Jamia. The police narrative, they said, is that students of AMU [Aligarh Muslim University] and Jamia incited and led the protests against the CAA. We met his family, who had no idea about where he was for two days, he simply went missing. Finally when they were all produced in court, a lawyer called his family. His sister who travelled two to three hours to Bareilly Jail (about 130 kms away) to meet him, said she saw marks of beating on him, and he would not meet her eyes. She also told us there was a very young boy there about ten years old, who was crying inconsolably for his mother. The people of Sambhal in general are so terrified that they do not speak to the media and most do not want their names to be reported. It took some time for them to start speaking. A young man who introduced himself as being from AMU joined us at one point, but before we had the opportunity to talk to him, he left. We learnt that his father had ordered him to go home immediately and not to speak to any outsiders. Deaths There were two deaths due to bullet injuries. Bilal(aged 31) of Shahbazpura, was killed near Chandausi Chowk. Bilals father told the team that on the 20thBilal, a wage laborer, father of three, left home to go to Muradabad for some work at around 1 p.m. afterjumme ki namaz. His friend was with him. Near the Chowk, they encountered a big slogan shouting crowd. There was also police on the other side of the road and suddenly a bullet hit him on his face. He fell and his friend lost contact with him in the crowd. But it seems some people took him to a private hospital but he died on the way. His family got a call some time later from the friend to say that he was shot and had been taken to the hospital, but he had no definite information and they kept getting conflicting information of his whereabouts. Finally they traced him to the Fazal Nursing Home and when his father and cousins reached there, he was dead. His father said that the bullet hit him right under the lower lip, it pierced through and was stuck near the back of the neck. This was shown in the x-ray which was done before the post mortem in the local government hospital in Bahjoi. The family was not given the x-ray or the post mortem report, but they showed us pictures of his body where the bullet entry wound is clearly visible. The body was returned to the family in the night and he was buried the same night, at 1 a.m. The family registered a complaint in the police station on the 20thevening stating that Bilal, who was on his way to Moradabad for work, was killed by a bullet fired by the police with the intention to kill. The family has a stamped copy of the complaint received by the police. Later, the same day, the police filed an FIR, it mentions that Bilal died of an injury (chot lagne se maut ho gayi). The FIR doesnt mention how Bilal was hurt. We met the family on January 2nd 2020, and the family had still not received a copy of the post mortem report. (According to theCaravanjournalist they had not got it even on January 7th). They said they had been pursuing it but every time they go to the police, they are told, it will take time. The family also said that local police officer came to see them on January 1st. The officer wanted to know if the family wanted to pursue anything specific in relation to the case. Bilals father told him that he would get back after consulting with the members of his community. Shehroz(aged 22). Hisfamily told us that on the 19th, he left home at 3 p.m. He was a driver, the only educated person in his family of unskilled labourers, he had learnt driving, got himself a driving license and a job with a local taxi service. When he reported for duty, the taxi owner asked him to go back home as the town appeared tense. At 4:20 p.m. someone called the family from his mobile that he had got a bullet in the stomach and was taken to SEWA hospital in Sambhal who referred him to Asian hospital in Moradabad, more than 50 km away. At the Asian hospital they were asked to go to TMU hospital, about an hour away. By the time they reached the third hospital, he had lost a lot of blood and succumbed to his injury. His body was brought back to Sambhal Government Hospital and Post Mortem was performed there the next morning. But the report was not given to the family. [Affiliated video: Medical negligence in Uttar Pradesh for protestors injured/killed in the anti-CAA protests] Shehrozs family filed a complaint in the police station mentioning specifically that he was hit by a bullet. But the FIR states that he died in the stampede. Shehrozs family was visited by Crime Branch officers on January 1st and asked to identify in a photograph, two young men on a bike carrying Shehrozs body. His father said he could not identify them. This visit is intimidatory as rather than inquiring into the circumstances of his death, the police seemed more keen to find the names of those who helped him. Given the role of the police in Sambhal, it is not beyond the realms of possibility that those young men could be held responsible for the shooting. This seems even more likely in the light of the story later uncovered by theCaravanreporter. We were not given any more information than detailed above, but according to theCaravanreport, the body of Shehroz was found exactly where the RSS man Santosh Kumar is firing from. The police have all this information, but are evidently not keen to follow up the case, which has been registered under Section 304 of the Indian Penal Code, which deals with culpable homicide not amounting to murder. The families and neighbours of both Bilal and Shehroz are distraught and angry. Bilal was a son, husband and father, leaving behind small children and his widow, his grieving mother and father, his sister. His sister, carrying her infant nephew, hit her fist against the wall yeh hamara ghar hai, kaise ye log hamein nikaal sakte hain? Shehroz was saving up to send his parents to Mecca. He was active on Facebook and very upset about the CAA. His father told us that his last post says,Deen mera Islam hai, Watan mera Hindostan hai, na kabhi deen chod sakta hoon, na watan chod sakta hoon.(My faith is Islam, my country is Hindostan, I can never give up my faith, nor can I leave my country). No policeman had been seriously injured in the clashes (although the police in a later press conference at which theCaravanreporter was present, claimed 50 of their men were injured in the stone pelting), and at most a couple of public vehicles had been burnt. The scale of repression is clearly and vastly disproportionate to the nature of offences, even if we grant that the charges are true. [Affiliated video: Testimony of Sadaf Jafar who was arrested by Uttar Pradesh police and subject to custodial violence by the police] I Was Reduced To My Muslim Identity by UP Police | Sadaf Jafar #Tathya Speaking at the People's Tribunal on State Action in UP, Sadaf recounted the nightmare she went through in custody when she was arrested during the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests in Uttar Pradesh.We were protesting peacefully at Parivartan Chowk and then the arson and stone-pelting took place. More than anything, it appeared to be completely state-sponsored. There were two things that raised eyebrows. One, how is it that you have Section 144 imposed and you have people carrying stones and not getting detected by the police when there were so many personnel deputed? And they were all dressed up alike, as if in uniform they were all wearing the skull caps and typical keffiyehs."The police officers asked Sadaf to sit on the ground, but she refused, citing a bad knee. She was then slapped, her spectacles fell off her face and her phone fell off her hands. I went on all fours to pick up my phone and they started hitting me with batons on my back. I tried to save my head with my hands but someone said they would injure my hands and fracture them so I held them under my stomach and they kept hitting me with batons on my backs and shoulders, she said. Posted by Karwan e Mohabbat on Thursday, January 16, 2020 An air of total incomprehension, anger and dejection hangs over the local Muslims, rich and poor. They have a strong sense of belonging to Sambhal, of local pride and patriotism. The CAA and the impending NPR [National Population Register] and the NRC [National Register of Citizens] challenge all that, and the merciless repression on 19thand 20thDecember and all that has followed, has induced a tragic identity crisis among them. It feels like the Muslim population of Sambhal (and in UP as a whole, given the reports that we have seen by journalists and citizens groups), are held hostage by a criminal mafia of government, police and Hindu right-wing organizations.

This is an important aspect of mass arrests in such incidents. No concrete information is made available by the police for considerable lengths of time, and thus many languish in jail with no legal assistance, as their arrest is not even known to their families. Many of them were taken to Bareilly Jail, and minors too were housed with other adult prisoners. Thousands were detained, and full information is not available yet of how many have returned home.

All of them have been beaten brutally during the protests, after arrest as well as in prison. One of those arrested, Aehtesham, a student of Jamia Millia [Jamia Millia Islamia University] in Delhi, had gone home to Sambhal when Jamia closed after the protests and police violence there. He was picked up by the police, and when his Jamia identity card was found in his pocket, others arrested with him said to their visitors that he was singled out for a particularly brutal assault by police, abusing him for being from Jamia. The police narrative, they said, is that students of AMU [Aligarh Muslim University] and Jamia incited and led the protests against the CAA.

We met his family, who had no idea about where he was for two days, he simply went missing. Finally when they were all produced in court, a lawyer called his family. His sister who travelled two to three hours to Bareilly Jail (about 130 kms away) to meet him, said she saw marks of beating on him, and he would not meet her eyes. She also told us there was a very young boy there about ten years old, who was crying inconsolably for his mother.

The people of Sambhal in general are so terrified that they do not speak to the media and most do not want their names to be reported. It took some time for them to start speaking. A young man who introduced himself as being from AMU joined us at one point, but before we had the opportunity to talk to him, he left. We learnt that his father had ordered him to go home immediately and not to speak to any outsiders.

Bilal(aged 31) of Shahbazpura, was killed near Chandausi Chowk. Bilals father told the team that on the 20thBilal, a wage laborer, father of three, left home to go to Muradabad for some work at around 1 p.m. afterjumme ki namaz. His friend was with him. Near the Chowk, they encountered a big slogan shouting crowd. There was also police on the other side of the road and suddenly a bullet hit him on his face. He fell and his friend lost contact with him in the crowd. But it seems some people took him to a private hospital but he died on the way.

His family got a call some time later from the friend to say that he was shot and had been taken to the hospital, but he had no definite information and they kept getting conflicting information of his whereabouts. Finally they traced him to the Fazal Nursing Home and when his father and cousins reached there, he was dead. His father said that the bullet hit him right under the lower lip, it pierced through and was stuck near the back of the neck. This was shown in the x-ray which was done before the post mortem in the local government hospital in Bahjoi. The family was not given the x-ray or the post mortem report, but they showed us pictures of his body where the bullet entry wound is clearly visible. The body was returned to the family in the night and he was buried the same night, at 1 a.m.

The family registered a complaint in the police station on the 20thevening stating that Bilal, who was on his way to Moradabad for work, was killed by a bullet fired by the police with the intention to kill. The family has a stamped copy of the complaint received by the police. Later, the same day, the police filed an FIR, it mentions that Bilal died of an injury (chot lagne se maut ho gayi). The FIR doesnt mention how Bilal was hurt.

We met the family on January 2nd 2020, and the family had still not received a copy of the post mortem report. (According to theCaravanjournalist they had not got it even on January 7th). They said they had been pursuing it but every time they go to the police, they are told, it will take time. The family also said that local police officer came to see them on January 1st. The officer wanted to know if the family wanted to pursue anything specific in relation to the case. Bilals father told him that he would get back after consulting with the members of his community.

Shehroz(aged 22). Hisfamily told us that on the 19th, he left home at 3 p.m. He was a driver, the only educated person in his family of unskilled labourers, he had learnt driving, got himself a driving license and a job with a local taxi service. When he reported for duty, the taxi owner asked him to go back home as the town appeared tense. At 4:20 p.m. someone called the family from his mobile that he had got a bullet in the stomach and was taken to SEWA hospital in Sambhal who referred him to Asian hospital in Moradabad, more than 50 km away. At the Asian hospital they were asked to go to TMU hospital, about an hour away. By the time they reached the third hospital, he had lost a lot of blood and succumbed to his injury. His body was brought back to Sambhal Government Hospital and Post Mortem was performed there the next morning. But the report was not given to the family.

[Affiliated video: Medical negligence in Uttar Pradesh for protestors injured/killed in the anti-CAA protests] Shehrozs family filed a complaint in the police station mentioning specifically that he was hit by a bullet. But the FIR states that he died in the stampede. Shehrozs family was visited by Crime Branch officers on January 1st and asked to identify in a photograph, two young men on a bike carrying Shehrozs body. His father said he could not identify them. This visit is intimidatory as rather than inquiring into the circumstances of his death, the police seemed more keen to find the names of those who helped him. Given the role of the police in Sambhal, it is not beyond the realms of possibility that those young men could be held responsible for the shooting. This seems even more likely in the light of the story later uncovered by theCaravanreporter. We were not given any more information than detailed above, but according to theCaravanreport, the body of Shehroz was found exactly where the RSS man Santosh Kumar is firing from. The police have all this information, but are evidently not keen to follow up the case, which has been registered under Section 304 of the Indian Penal Code, which deals with culpable homicide not amounting to murder. The families and neighbours of both Bilal and Shehroz are distraught and angry. Bilal was a son, husband and father, leaving behind small children and his widow, his grieving mother and father, his sister. His sister, carrying her infant nephew, hit her fist against the wall yeh hamara ghar hai, kaise ye log hamein nikaal sakte hain? Shehroz was saving up to send his parents to Mecca. He was active on Facebook and very upset about the CAA. His father told us that his last post says,Deen mera Islam hai, Watan mera Hindostan hai, na kabhi deen chod sakta hoon, na watan chod sakta hoon.(My faith is Islam, my country is Hindostan, I can never give up my faith, nor can I leave my country). No policeman had been seriously injured in the clashes (although the police in a later press conference at which theCaravanreporter was present, claimed 50 of their men were injured in the stone pelting), and at most a couple of public vehicles had been burnt. The scale of repression is clearly and vastly disproportionate to the nature of offences, even if we grant that the charges are true. [Affiliated video: Testimony of Sadaf Jafar who was arrested by Uttar Pradesh police and subject to custodial violence by the police] I Was Reduced To My Muslim Identity by UP Police | Sadaf Jafar #Tathya Speaking at the People's Tribunal on State Action in UP, Sadaf recounted the nightmare she went through in custody when she was arrested during the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests in Uttar Pradesh.We were protesting peacefully at Parivartan Chowk and then the arson and stone-pelting took place. More than anything, it appeared to be completely state-sponsored. There were two things that raised eyebrows. One, how is it that you have Section 144 imposed and you have people carrying stones and not getting detected by the police when there were so many personnel deputed? And they were all dressed up alike, as if in uniform they were all wearing the skull caps and typical keffiyehs."The police officers asked Sadaf to sit on the ground, but she refused, citing a bad knee. She was then slapped, her spectacles fell off her face and her phone fell off her hands. I went on all fours to pick up my phone and they started hitting me with batons on my back. I tried to save my head with my hands but someone said they would injure my hands and fracture them so I held them under my stomach and they kept hitting me with batons on my backs and shoulders, she said. Posted by Karwan e Mohabbat on Thursday, January 16, 2020 An air of total incomprehension, anger and dejection hangs over the local Muslims, rich and poor. They have a strong sense of belonging to Sambhal, of local pride and patriotism. The CAA and the impending NPR [National Population Register] and the NRC [National Register of Citizens] challenge all that, and the merciless repression on 19thand 20thDecember and all that has followed, has induced a tragic identity crisis among them. It feels like the Muslim population of Sambhal (and in UP as a whole, given the reports that we have seen by journalists and citizens groups), are held hostage by a criminal mafia of government, police and Hindu right-wing organizations.

Shehrozs family filed a complaint in the police station mentioning specifically that he was hit by a bullet. But the FIR states that he died in the stampede. Shehrozs family was visited by Crime Branch officers on January 1st and asked to identify in a photograph, two young men on a bike carrying Shehrozs body. His father said he could not identify them.

This visit is intimidatory as rather than inquiring into the circumstances of his death, the police seemed more keen to find the names of those who helped him. Given the role of the police in Sambhal, it is not beyond the realms of possibility that those young men could be held responsible for the shooting.

This seems even more likely in the light of the story later uncovered by theCaravanreporter. We were not given any more information than detailed above, but according to theCaravanreport, the body of Shehroz was found exactly where the RSS man Santosh Kumar is firing from. The police have all this information, but are evidently not keen to follow up the case, which has been registered under Section 304 of the Indian Penal Code, which deals with culpable homicide not amounting to murder.

The families and neighbours of both Bilal and Shehroz are distraught and angry. Bilal was a son, husband and father, leaving behind small children and his widow, his grieving mother and father, his sister.

Shehroz was saving up to send his parents to Mecca. He was active on Facebook and very upset about the CAA. His father told us that his last post says,Deen mera Islam hai, Watan mera Hindostan hai, na kabhi deen chod sakta hoon, na watan chod sakta hoon.(My faith is Islam, my country is Hindostan, I can never give up my faith, nor can I leave my country).

No policeman had been seriously injured in the clashes (although the police in a later press conference at which theCaravanreporter was present, claimed 50 of their men were injured in the stone pelting), and at most a couple of public vehicles had been burnt. The scale of repression is clearly and vastly disproportionate to the nature of offences, even if we grant that the charges are true.

Speaking at the People's Tribunal on State Action in UP, Sadaf recounted the nightmare she went through in custody when she was arrested during the anti-Citizenship Amendment Act (CAA) protests in Uttar Pradesh.We were protesting peacefully at Parivartan Chowk and then the arson and stone-pelting took place. More than anything, it appeared to be completely state-sponsored. There were two things that raised eyebrows. One, how is it that you have Section 144 imposed and you have people carrying stones and not getting detected by the police when there were so many personnel deputed? And they were all dressed up alike, as if in uniform they were all wearing the skull caps and typical keffiyehs."The police officers asked Sadaf to sit on the ground, but she refused, citing a bad knee. She was then slapped, her spectacles fell off her face and her phone fell off her hands. I went on all fours to pick up my phone and they started hitting me with batons on my back. I tried to save my head with my hands but someone said they would injure my hands and fracture them so I held them under my stomach and they kept hitting me with batons on my backs and shoulders, she said.

An air of total incomprehension, anger and dejection hangs over the local Muslims, rich and poor. They have a strong sense of belonging to Sambhal, of local pride and patriotism. The CAA and the impending NPR [National Population Register] and the NRC [National Register of Citizens] challenge all that, and the merciless repression on 19thand 20thDecember and all that has followed, has induced a tragic identity crisis among them. It feels like the Muslim population of Sambhal (and in UP as a whole, given the reports that we have seen by journalists and citizens groups), are held hostage by a criminal mafia of government, police and Hindu right-wing organizations.

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